Four times the national average
That is the rate at which Nigerian Americans hold postgraduate degrees. Ghanaian, Kenyan, Ethiopian Americans all exceed the native-born rate. They are Black. Subject to the same profiling. Not exempt from American racism.
So why do the numbers look like that?
We are the perspective nobody wants to sit next to at the conference. But if the structural story were complete, outcomes within the Black population would not vary this dramatically. Our parents came from Lagos, from Accra. They arrived with degrees and no money, or no degrees and determination that substituted. They built professional lives inside a country that profiled them on Tuesday and promoted them on Wednesday — because they carried cultural capital forged where Black people held institutional power and expected their children to do the same.
The structural analysts have the history right. Redlining was real. The GI Bill exclusions were monstrous. What we dispute is causal sufficiency sixty years after the Civil Rights Act. The path dependency model challenges us — if compounding explains the aggregate, we may be arguing over a residual. We take that seriously. But compounding does not explain why some Black communities closed the gap faster than others, or why immigrant communities under the same discrimination produce different outcomes.
Where we concede ground: We’ve attracted allies who use our framework to justify disinvestment. That’s on us.
What would change our mind: Second- and third-generation immigrant outcomes converging with native-born Black outcomes.
Read the full synthesis: Why do racial disparities persist?